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No.78
No.78, Diplomacy  Sept. 20, 2023

The G7 Presidency Continues: Japan Should Show Leadership in “Reconstruction”

  President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who visited Japan for the G7 Hiroshima Summit, associated “post-reconstruction” Ukraine with Hiroshima. As the holder of the G7 presidency and as a country providing reconstruction assistance in Ukraine, what does Japan need to do at this time?   Higashino Atsuko, Professor, University of Tsukuba   “I will never forget the attention you have paid to Ukraine and especially the support you have expressed for the sovereignty of Ukraine, its territorial integrity, and the Ukrainian people.” President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who attended the G7 Hiroshima Summit in Hiroshima in May this year, thanked Prime Minister Kishida Fumio with these words. The world’s eyes focused on this president of a country currently under invasion from Russia as he arrived in faraway Hiroshima. Various reports from after the summit suggest that the Japanese government was initially hesitant to have President Zelenskyy ... ... [Read more]

No.77
No.77, Diplomacy  Aug. 25, 2023

U.S. Sense of Distance from China: Competitive structure may remain unchanged despite repeated dialogues

  Sahashi Ryo, Faculty Fellow, Research Institute of Economy, Trade and Industry (RIETI), Associate professor, Institute for Advanced Studies on Asia, University of Tokyo   In June 2023, Antony Blinken became the first U.S. secretary of state to visit China in about five years. Even after a Chinese reconnaissance balloon incident derailed his plan to visit China earlier this year, the Biden administration remained motivated to implement the visit. While insisting on great power competition with China, it has consistently sought to explore dialogue with China. Why does the Biden administration continue to explore diplomacy with China’s Xi Jinping regime? One background factor is that the Biden administration has a unique sense of balance. While fully understanding that China’s growth and behavior run counter to U.S. interests and values, it seems to attempt to manage the deterioration of bilateral relations. President Joe Biden calls for ... ... [Read more]

No.77
No.77, Diplomacy  Aug. 23, 2023

Japan and “China” in the Context of the 19th-Century Seikanron Debate on the “Opening” of Korea

  Ishida Toru, Professor, Department of International Relations, The University of Shimane Introduction: The Contemporary Position of “Zhonghua” in Japan and South Korea The notion of the “Rising China” started to gain prominence in the mid-1990s. It became more tangible around the time of the Beijing Olympics, and China’s nominal GDP surpassed that of Japan in 2010. Towards the end of November 2012, General Secretary Xi Jinping visited the National Museum of China and delivered a post-study lecture during the “Road of Rejuvenation” exhibition. Reflecting on China’s history since its defeat in the Opium War 170 years earlier, Xi Jinping stated, “[…] what is the Chinese dream? We believe that realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is the greatest Chinese dream of the Chinese nation in modern times,” and introduced the slogan “Chinese Dream.” The “Chinese Dream” encompassed both the “Dream of ... ... [Read more]

No.76
No.76, Diplomacy  Jul. 18, 2023

The Lost Balance: On the “Three Lines” of Modern Japanese Diplomacy

  Miyagi Taizo, Professor, Chuo University The current situation of “Abe’s strong line without Abe” What have been the trends and directions of Japanese diplomacy in recent years? And what kind of diplomatic line may await Japan in the future? In this paper, I position foreign relations after the Koizumi Junichiro administration (2001–2006), meaning during and beyond the First Abe Shinzo administration (2006–2007), as contemporary, or modern, Japanese diplomacy directly related to the current situation. Iokibe Makoto, a diplomatic historian, once argued that there were three lines of Japanese postwar diplomacy: the “social democratic line,” “the economocentric line,” and the “traditional state line” (Iokibe Makoto ed. Sengo Nihon gaikoushi (The Diplomatic History of Postwar Japan), Yuhikaku). The “social democratic line” was a diplomatic initiative of the Japan Socialist Party, which advocated unarmed neutrality, and the “economocentric line” was the “Yoshida Doctrine” of light arms ... ... [Read more]

No.75
Diplomacy, No.75  Mar. 31, 2023

A Thorough Dissection of the Three Security Documents

  What will change with the revision of the three security documents? An expert in military history unravels their history and future.   Chijiwa Yasuaki, Senior Fellow, National Institute for Defense Studies A revision that clarifies Japan’s own responsibilities Attempts at unilateral change of the status quo by force are gaining momentum in the Japanese periphery. The new “three security documents” approved by the Cabinet in December 2022 should be received with a sense of urgency and a recognition of the reality of the situation. The topmost of the three security documents is the National Security Strategy (NSS). In light of this, the “National Defense Strategy” (NDS) (the former “National Defense Program Guidelines” [NDPG]) defines defense goals and approaches as well as means to achieve them. Moreover, the “Defense Buildup Program” (the former “Medium Term Defense Program” [MTDP]) is a medium- to long-term buildup ... ... [Read more]

No.75
Diplomacy, No.75  Mar. 14, 2023

“Skepticism about the U.S.” Spreading in Taiwan

  Ogasawara Yoshiyuki, Professor, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies Taiwan’s next presidential election in 2024 will not only set Taiwan’s direction, but also have a major impact on the future of the U.S.-China conflict and the stability of East Asia. It is also a matter of great concern to Japan. In Taiwan, “skepticism,” which questions the intentions and actions of the United States, is gradually spreading. The content of “skepticism about the U.S.” differs depending on the commentator, but the common feature is that “relying on the United States will lead to a disastrous end for Taiwan.” Some say, “If we rely on the U.S., the U.S. will not act, and Taiwan will be abandoned by the U.S. in the end,” while others say, “If we do as the U.S. says, Taiwan will be used as a pawn to suppress China. In the end, ... ... [Read more]

No.75
Diplomacy, No.75  Feb. 22, 2023

Reform the UN Security Council to Reflect the Voices of Developing Countries

  While many emerging and developing countries have criticized Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, they are also unhappy with the sanctions-based diplomacy being led by the United States and Europe. Gathering international opinion, including that of developing countries, and finding a better way forward is the original role of the United Nations. There is no way that such a UN could be dysfunctional. Now is the time for Japan to lead United Nations Security Council reform.   Kitaoka Shinichi, Professor Emeritus, University of Tokyo The Russian invasion of Ukraine which began on February 24, 2022 is the worst violation of international law since World War II. Unsurprisingly, on March 2, 2022 the United Nations General Assembly adopted a draft resolution demanding that Russia immediately end its military operations in Ukraine with an overwhelming majority of 141 in favor, five against and 35 abstentions (and 12 ... ... [Read more]

No.75
No.75, Diplomacy  Feb. 20, 2023

Third Pole Realism Diplomacy: A Unique Presence in Relations with the US, China and Russia—ASEAN as a Proactive Player and a Gray World

  Oba Mie, Professor, Kanagawa University Inclusive Diplomacy The “Global South” is a term often used to refer to developing and emerging countries primarily in Asia and Africa, and the expanding influence of this Global South in the international community is attracting attention. The ten countries that make up ASEAN are a part of the Global South. According to World Bank statistics, today the combined GDP of these ten countries is nearing 70% of Japan’s GDP (US$3,343.3 billion) and their combined population was five times that of Japan (673.33 million) as of 2021. Moreover with Indonesia holding the G20 Presidency and Thailand presiding over APEC in 2022, the presence of Southeast Asia in major international and regional meetings has been impressive. With strategic competition between the US and China heating up, prominent discourse suggests that Southeast Asia is becoming a tactical hotbed. Indeed, it ... ... [Read more]

No.75
Diplomacy, No.75  Feb. 9, 2023

Fragmentation in Liberalism and Japan’s Role

  Ichihara Maiko, Professor, Hitotsubashi University Repression and resistance Freedom on the Internet has declined for the twelfth year in a row. This was reported in Freedom House’s annual “Freedom on the Net” (FOTN) statistics released in October 2022.[1] Twelve years ago, in 2010, the potential of the Internet was at its strongest. That year, a young vegetable seller self-immolated in Tunisia, with his message being shared via Facebook and calls for demonstrations spreading throughout Tunisia, eventually overthrowing the dictatorship of Ben Ali and coming to be known as the Jasmine Revolution. The movement spread throughout the Arab world, dubbed the “Arab Spring.” Larry Jay Diamond, an expert on democracy, called the Internet “liberation technology” that enables mobilization for freedom.[2] Twelve years have passed since then, and now there is an awareness that the Internet also has a “repression technology” dimension.[3] As AI-based face ... ... [Read more]

No.75
Discussions, Diplomacy, No.75  Feb. 2, 2023

The International Order after the Invasion of Ukraine: How to view this world in a transitional period

  Itabashi Takumi (Professor at the University of Tokyo) vs Mimaki Seiko (Associate Professor at Doshisha University) The United States is inward-looking again ―It’s been more than half a year since Russia invaded Ukraine. Amid uncertainty about how and when this war will end, the crisis of the “liberal international order” has been hotly discussed throughout this time. Today, we will ask how we ought to view the world after the invasion of Ukraine from the perspectives of the United States and Europe.   Itabashi Takumi: For Europe, the war in Ukraine is inevitably “our problem.” European countries certainly sent troops to civil wars in Afghanistan and Libya before, but for many that was just events on the “opposite shore.” However, they have no choice but to take in the Russian invasion of Ukraine as concerned parties. What about the US on the other ... ... [Read more]