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No.75
Diplomacy, No.75  Feb. 22, 2023

Reform the UN Security Council to Reflect the Voices of Developing Countries

  While many emerging and developing countries have criticized Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, they are also unhappy with the sanctions-based diplomacy being led by the United States and Europe. Gathering international opinion, including that of developing countries, and finding a better way forward is the original role of the United Nations. There is no way that such a UN could be dysfunctional. Now is the time for Japan to lead United Nations Security Council reform.   Kitaoka Shinichi, Professor Emeritus, University of Tokyo The Russian invasion of Ukraine which began on February 24, 2022 is the worst violation of international law since World War II. Unsurprisingly, on March 2, 2022 the United Nations General Assembly adopted a draft resolution demanding that Russia immediately end its military operations in Ukraine with an overwhelming majority of 141 in favor, five against and 35 abstentions (and 12 ... ... [Read more]

No.75
Diplomacy, No.75  Feb. 20, 2023

Third Pole Realism Diplomacy: A Unique Presence in Relations with the US, China and Russia—ASEAN as a Proactive Player and a Gray World

  Oba Mie, Professor, Kanagawa University Inclusive Diplomacy The “Global South” is a term often used to refer to developing and emerging countries primarily in Asia and Africa, and the expanding influence of this Global South in the international community is attracting attention. The ten countries that make up ASEAN are a part of the Global South. According to World Bank statistics, today the combined GDP of these ten countries is nearing 70% of Japan’s GDP (US$3,343.3 billion) and their combined population was five times that of Japan (673.33 million) as of 2021. Moreover with Indonesia holding the G20 Presidency and Thailand presiding over APEC in 2022, the presence of Southeast Asia in major international and regional meetings has been impressive. With strategic competition between the US and China heating up, prominent discourse suggests that Southeast Asia is becoming a tactical hotbed. Indeed, it ... ... [Read more]

No.75
Diplomacy, No.75  Feb. 9, 2023

Fragmentation in Liberalism and Japan’s Role

  Ichihara Maiko, Professor, Hitotsubashi University Repression and resistance Freedom on the Internet has declined for the twelfth year in a row. This was reported in Freedom House’s annual “Freedom on the Net” (FOTN) statistics released in October 2022.[1] Twelve years ago, in 2010, the potential of the Internet was at its strongest. That year, a young vegetable seller self-immolated in Tunisia, with his message being shared via Facebook and calls for demonstrations spreading throughout Tunisia, eventually overthrowing the dictatorship of Ben Ali and coming to be known as the Jasmine Revolution. The movement spread throughout the Arab world, dubbed the “Arab Spring.” Larry Jay Diamond, an expert on democracy, called the Internet “liberation technology” that enables mobilization for freedom.[2] Twelve years have passed since then, and now there is an awareness that the Internet also has a “repression technology” dimension.[3] As AI-based face ... ... [Read more]

No.75
Discussions, Diplomacy, No.75  Feb. 2, 2023

The International Order after the Invasion of Ukraine: How to view this world in a transitional period

  Itabashi Takumi (Professor at the University of Tokyo) vs Mimaki Seiko (Associate Professor at Doshisha University) The United States is inward-looking again ―It’s been more than half a year since Russia invaded Ukraine. Amid uncertainty about how and when this war will end, the crisis of the “liberal international order” has been hotly discussed throughout this time. Today, we will ask how we ought to view the world after the invasion of Ukraine from the perspectives of the United States and Europe.   Itabashi Takumi: For Europe, the war in Ukraine is inevitably “our problem.” European countries certainly sent troops to civil wars in Afghanistan and Libya before, but for many that was just events on the “opposite shore.” However, they have no choice but to take in the Russian invasion of Ukraine as concerned parties. What about the US on the other ... ... [Read more]

No.75
Diplomacy, No.75  Jan. 23, 2023

The Impacts of US-China Tensions: ASEAN’s deeply rooted pragmatism

  Southeast Asian countries have dealt with the major powers through loose cooperation. There is much Japan could learn from ASEAN’s pragmatism.   Suzuki Sanae, Associate Professor, University of Tokyo A history of freedom in foreign and security policy and standoffs Amid ongoing US-China tensions, the stance of ASEAN member countries towards the United States, China, and other extra regional countries appears to differ, with divisions and standoffs among ASEAN members being pointed out. However, from a historical perspective, several factors need to be borne in mind.  First, ASEAN was never a military alliance to begin with and does not prevent its member countries from formulating their own foreign and security policies in line with their own national interests. If anything, such a large degree of freedom has allowed for loose cooperation and collaboration. At one time in the 1970s, Malaysia proposed the neutralization ... ... [Read more]

No.74
Diplomacy, No.74  Dec. 28, 2022

The Taiwan Crisis and the Role of Japanese Diplomacy

  Inoue Masaya, Professor, Keio University   Confrontations between the United States and China over the Taiwan Strait are intensifying. Since House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan in August 2022, China has stepped up military pressure on Taiwan. General Secretary Xi Jinping (President of China), who was exceptionally elected to a third term at the National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party, held once every five years, in October, has stressed that China will not renounce its right to use force against Taiwan. In response, US officials have stated that China has become more determined to pursue annexation of Taiwan at an earlier time than previously. It is unclear how much the US is aware of signs of a Chinese invasion of Taiwan. But as the US-China conflict is escalating from a trade dispute to a military confrontation over the Taiwan Strait, Japan’s ... ... [Read more]

No.74
Diplomacy, No.74  Dec. 21, 2022

China in Xi’s third term: Reconciliation of interests still extremely difficult under a de facto personal dictatorship

    Eto Naoko, Professor, Gakushuin University   Key points Formal continuation of collective leadership as a means of consolidating the power structure Attempt to shift the legitimacy of the CCP to the manifestation of socialism Need for Japan to share legally enforceable international rules with China   The 20th Party Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) concluded on October 22, announcing its policies and appointments to the Central Commission. The following day, on the 23rd, with the new leadership inaugurated at the 1st plenum of the 20th CCP Central Committee, the way was paved for General Secretary Xi Jinping’s long-term government as he was reappointed for a third term. This marked the end of the “system-based transfer of power” mechanism, which had been emphasized as a lesson of the Mao Zedong administration period that had brought major disruptions and setbacks. The four ... ... [Read more]

No.74
Discussions, Diplomacy, No.74  Dec. 12, 2022

Three-Way Discussion: Why Should We Discuss the Global South Now?

  With the world heading toward division due to the logic of the major global powers, we should turn our attention once again, not to Europe and the United States, or China and Russia, but to the emerging and developing countries—with their multilateral dynamics, working on multiple levels—as key players in population scale, economic power, and order building.   Endo Mitsugi (Professor, University of Tokyo), Nakao Takehiko (Chairman, Mizuho Research and Technologies) and Kawashima Shin (Professor, University of Tokyo)   Kawashima Shin: Over the last few years, the world has been undergoing major changes—with the COVID-19 pandemic, the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and accompanying global high prices, primarily for energy and food—and the impact is spreading globally. Looking at international reports of Japan, however, most of the news is focused on the United States and China. Even when Asia and Africa are discussed, situations ... ... [Read more]

No.73
Diplomacy, No.73  Oct. 14, 2022

How will the war in Ukraine change the New Cold War between the United States and China? — Xi Jinping’s diplomacy of self-reliance and its implications for Taiwan

  President Xi Jinping has shown a clear support for Russia. However, the war situation became mired in a mess beyond expectations, and Western countries united with sanctions against Russia. This has severely narrowed the options for Chinese diplomacy. As the “New Cold War” between the United States and China accelerates, the author examines the impact of the Ukraine war on Taiwan.   Matsuda Yasuhiro, Professor, University of Tokyo In 2021, China reached for the North Korea and Russia cards after feeling threatened by the Joe Biden administration’s closing in on China. It is in this context that North Korea restarted their full-scale missile launches and Russia invaded Ukraine. Why has China endorsed the Russian invasion of Ukraine? At the Beijing Olympic Winter Games, Russia was subjected to official sanctions due to doping issues, and even though Russian athletes were unable to participate in ... ... [Read more]

No.73
Diplomacy, No.73  Oct. 6, 2022

The Russian War in Ukraine: An Invasion Named “Liberation”

  Iwashita Akihiro, Professor, Hokkaido University   Fukuzawa Hideo, an inhabitant of the Habomai Islands, one of the four Northern Territories, has this to say about the Russian invasion of Ukraine: “It brought back strong memories of how Russia expelled us from our island. A TV report showing crying children under attack in Ukraine reminded me of myself at the time.”  On August 18, 1945, when the Soviet Union army began its invasion and occupation of Shumushu Island at the northern edge of the Kuril Islands of Japan, there was fierce fighting with the Japanese army units they encountered. Japan had already accepted the Potsdam Declaration on August 14 and implemented “disarmament” of the Southern Kurils (Etorofu and Kunashiri), Shikotan and Habomai Islands. It therefore offered no resistance to the Soviet occupation after the battle of the Northern Kurils. Many Japanese soldiers were sent ... ... [Read more]